Sunday, 14 April 2013

Stir to Action

The first number of the new print-only Stir magazine arrived today, and it's an inspiring read. Marina Sitrin's article on worker takeovers of factories and workshops in Argentina and Greece strikes a particular chord, because the UK's common ownership co-operatives - firms like Calverts and Suma - share so much with them in terms of politics and attitude, even though our co-ops were founded in a different context.

It affirms for me that we have at least as much in common with - and to learn from - autonomous workers outside the UK as we do with our domestic co-operative movement.

The article isn't, as far as I can tell, reproduced online. Luckily, Sitrin's writing on Argentina is freely available on her website. Or, if you'd like to take a £16 4-issue subscription, you can get Stir delivered, and read the other excellent articles, including good analysis of tax havens and the global cotton industry.

Alongside New Internationalist, Stir is turning into the closest thing we have to a radical co-operativist magazine in the UK.

Saturday, 23 March 2013

Co-operatives and strikers in Italy

In a forthcoming article for a new workers' paper, migrant logistics workers in Italy describe their fight against attacks on wages and conditions at IKEA and TNT:

"During recent months migrant transport workers in the north of Italy have enforced significant improvements of their working and living conditions through hard strikes. Usually they are not directly employed, but through subcontractors, which are registered as so-called 'cooperatives'. If there are any problems or workers try to struggle against precarious conditions, these 'subcontractors' just change their official company name and status - and workers are left alone with their demands ...

"After a few months the Cooperative tried to go back to the conditions before the strike. It wanted to almost triple the average number of palettes; they cut most of the employees’ hours to 4 hours so that they compulsorily had to stay at home two days a week and only earned 400 euros a month. When productivity fell, everyone had to work overtime. In October they locked out about 90 workers, fired 12, through a struggle we were able to get 3 of these workers reinstated, so that 9 remained fired. So we blockaded the gates every day. On November 2nd there was an extremely brutal police attack at gate 9, there were 20 people injured and 30 workers got charged, I got 6 charges. I don’t know whether I’ll get problems with my residents permit in the future but no struggle is without risk ..."

This is going on in the Piacenza region of Emiglia Romagna, a supposed stronghold of worker co-operation.

I was of course interested to read that 'co-operative consortia' are controlling the supply of labour to TNT/IKEA in Italy, and I'm going to find out more. CICOPA (the world worker co-op federation) explicity rejects co-ops purely for the supply of labour, unless they're owned and controlled by workers for the defence of conditions and wages (e.g. freelancers, actors, sex workers) - at least partly in reaction to the experience of state-sponsored co-ops in the Soviet Union and China.

There's growing interest in the UK in co-op consortia as an organisation method for self-employed or atomised workers. I'm working with a couple of such groups  - IT, design, modelmakers. God help me.

Looking for more information, I used the internet search term 'IKEA + co-operatives' and out popped this, from IKEA's Privacy Policy page:

"Just as shopping at IKEA is a co-operative experience, IKEA makes a point of working with our customers when it comes to their privacy."

All of this just shows us why words are so important, and co-operative identity worth trying to be clear about.


 

Friday, 8 February 2013

Party games

Dave Boyle questioned the link between The Co-operative Party and Labour in a recent Guardian article. Yesterday, Gareth Thomas MP replied in robust but predictable fashion.

Boyle's main point is that:

"the real issue isn't whether the link with Labour is effective for the movement, or even for the Co-operative Group, but whether it's the only way in which the co-operative movement can be politically active and effective."

Quite.

Thomas's response, and the comments on Boyle's piece, conflate political effectiveness with the Co-operative Party Labour Party bond in a way that condescends to, and tries to marginalise, some of our most radical and effective grass roots co-operative activists - many of whom come from autonomous (4th co-operative principle) political traditions like commonwealth socialism and community activism, environmentalism and feminism, that are critical of party politics, and sometimes hostile to it.

The arguments seem to amount to 'if you're not in the party game, you're not serious (or even grown up)' or 'better inside the tent pissing out'. For example, Thomas says 'Boyle is welcome to watch from the sidelines' - so much for 11 years' highly effective activism and lobbying, then. David Griffiths comments 'There are only two independent societies that I can think of that do not support the Political side of the movement.' By 'societies', he's referring only to the Rochdale-type consumer retail societies, and ignoring the thousands of independent societies and co-operatives that make up the wider movement. By 'Political side', he means the Party. In other words, 'please pipe down, you're not relevant, there's no choice about this, and anyway we debated it last year in the movement press'.

At least Thomas and Griffiths have engaged. More often, the reaction to anyone wanting to seriously debate the Group's indirect bankrolling of Labour is thunderous silence.

Thomas says 'The Co-operative party has prioritised its relationship with the Labour party', but in reality the 'relationship' looks like an eternal and unchanging feature of the UK landscape, indifferent to logic, immune to criticism, ignorant of our rapidly warming political climate. But even immovable fixtures like Stonehenge or the protestant supremacy in Northern Ireland are subject to the weather, and one day fade away, or suddenly collapse - even as we wonder what they were for in the first place.


I'm one of the growing minority of Co-operative Party members who isn't also a supporter of Labour (although I was a member in my teens).  My experience of the Party, so far, is that it has a lot to learn about co-operation and co-operators, and many people in the party want to reconnect with the wider movement.  I'm hanging in there and learning a few things myself.

Two of the secret weapons of the co-op as a social movement for working class economic and political emancipation are, I think, its autonomy and impatience with sectarian bullshit. So maybe I'd restate Boyle's question this way:


Can the Co-operative movement afford to alienate its youngest, best and most radical activists and potential recruits by allying itself so firmly with a sectarian organisation steeped in a cretinous political culture? We do have a choice.

Sunday, 18 March 2012

Co-operative Capitalism: A Straw Dog in a Paper Kennel

As part of its Think Piece series, Co-ops UK recently published a pamphlet by star Cambridge economist Noreena Hertz. It sets out a view that the current era of what Hertz calls 'Gucci Capitalism' will and should be followed by the ascendancy of 'Co-op Capitalism', which is characterised by four ideas in action:

- Community is valuable of itself
- The network has worth
- How we interact matters and
- Collaboration can trump competition.

This is interesting, because as far as I know capitalism is a system  for valorising, monetising and capitalising on human creativity, community, collaboration and networks. The nature of the beast is that the portion of peoples' work (not to mention natural resources) capital doesn't compensate for in the form of a social wage, is what it takes and transforms into profit.

To put it another way, if we all worked to our contracts and didn't donate unpaid labour to the masters of the universe by collaborating, co-operating, thinking creatively and generally behaving like human beings rather than robots, capitalism would fall over tomorrow. Hertz and those moral economists and pundits, from Will Hutton to Phillip Blond, who see co-operation as a cure for capitalism's malfunctioning - well, they've got it the wrong way round. Co-operation is both absolutely necessary for capitalism, and one of the last aspects of humanity that capital hasn't completely worked out how to colonise.

Isn't it interesting that the word 'capitalism' is back in the papers, after its twenty-odd year retreat to a cave somewhere on the tundra of the left? Only now, it's capitalism's supporters and improvers who use its name, not so much its opponents. Although usually the term isn't seen on its own, but qualified. So the main debate in the papers and blogs isn't about capitalism as such - it's about 'good' versus 'bad', 'predatory' versus 'sustainable', 'short termist' versus 'long termist', 'ethical' versus 'exploitative' capitalism. Which tends to crowd out any talk of anything else, and that's probably the point.

I don't think Co-operatives UK was completely wrong in putting the pamphlet out. These Think Pieces are part of its mandate to 'mainstream' the movement and stimulate fresh thinking (God knows, we were starved of that for a long time). Hertz is, they say, a heavyweight economist, though I don't rate her as a commentator (she was prescient on the debt crisis! Big deal!) 'Gucci' versus 'Co-op' capitalism is a prime slice of mystification pizza. But it got me thinking. It scrapes on the reef of one or two movement taboos. The co-op movement is a 'broad church' - a political home for all kinds of socialists, anarchists, millenarians, liberals, greens, feminists and displaced persons, as well as normal people; but the deal is that nobody mentions the c-word. When we really do start to take lumps out of Barclays, Tescos, Ben & Jerry's and Powergen, it will be interesting to see how our co-operative unity is tested.

To get to that point, we should worry not at all about making capitalism more co-operative, and focus minds and acts instead on making co-operatives more co-operative, so we can make them a better vehicle for meeting peoples' real and self-defined social, cultural and economic needs. The values and principles are a very powerful formula. Developed over decades and continents through trial and error, as Ed Mayo says the real movement is 2% theory and 98% practice. Hertz's pamphlet demonstrates little understanding of co-operation as a social change movement, but maybe our own is a bit perfunctory in the day-to-day. Scratch a bit below the surface of action principles like democracy, autonomy and member economic participation - get below the 'lowest common denominator' definitions of co-operative identity - and you'll find ideas and methods, not just for running half-decent capitalist enterprises, but also for understanding capitalism and the ways humanity can overcome it.

The pioneers didn't only set out to run a good shop; their stated and realistic desire was also to overturn the system of politics and economics.

You can download Noreena Hertz's pamphlet at
http://www.uk.coop/sites/default/files/Co-op%20Capitalism_0.pdf

Sunday, 12 June 2011

Dave Boyle: an afternoon with a true football fan

I was having a few beers with Dave Boyle in the Amersham Arms in New Cross, on the brilliant afternoon last month when AFC Wimbledon won promotion to the Football League.

Dave was - until last Friday - Chief Executive of Supporters Direct, the campaign for community and fan ownership of sports clubs. He was forced to resign because one of SD's main funders, the Premier League, got wind of a couple of fairly blue tweets Dave posted in the euphoric minutes after Wimbledon won the tie on penalties.

I thought they were dead funny. He hazed a few powerful enemies of the peoples' game by name, but we'd had more than three, so he got at least one of those names wrong to start off with. Pop psychologist and  pundit Raj Persaud must have wondered what he'd done to deserve an invitation to vigorous oral sex. It turned out Dave's intended was actually Raj Parker, one of the panel of three that approved the decision to take the old Wimbledon and relocate it lock stock and barrel to Milton Keynes. Unfortunately for Dave, Twitter allows such mistakes to be instantly corrected.

The Premier League didn't just get Dave's head. They've apparently decided to cut off SD's funding completely. I'm not going into the realpolitik and vindictiveness of this - it's well covered in the press and social media. Suffice to say, if Richard Scudamore of the Premier League had got snitched on for mooning the opposition out of a minibus window, he might have been in hot water - but would the game decide to close the League down? I doubt it.

Anyway, as we were watching the game via a jerky feed on Dave's laptop in the Amersham, he explained to me how promotion for the supporter-owned AFC Wimbledon - a club he helped found via an ad in the south west London press for players, after a founding meeting in a local pub - would be not just a fulfilment of one of his dreams, but would feel like a vindication of everything he's worked so hard for over the last ten years (and there can be no doubt he and the rest of the team at Supporters Direct have done a brilliant job).

When it got to penalties, Dave could barely watch. When they won, he went temporarily - and entertainingly - bonkers for a few minutes. It was infectious; I wasn't the only one in the Amersham grinning from ear to ear. Suddenly, it was one of those beautiful, sunny spring afternoons when all's right with the world.

We went our separate ways. I stayed on the train while Dave changed, to get his connection for London Bridge and then home, where he was planning to continue the celebrations with local comrades. As he got out of the carriage, he stuck his head back round the door, gave me a thumbs up, and said: "It's been emotional!"

If you're on Facebook, you can add your voice in support of Supporters Direct here


Saturday, 2 April 2011

Self organising

Good discussion on practical and theoretical aspects of co-operation and self-management in the economy last night - the second in the series Self organising, hosted by Valeria Graziano from the Micropolitics Research Group. Valeria told me she had once resolved never to get involved in anything with an all-male speaking panel, and probably regretted her decision to break with the principle yesterday. I was fairly competitive and mouthy, perhaps due to feeling a bit nervous at speaking in an academic environment for the first time in thirty years. Neither, I suspect, was she impressed by my two-cans-of-lager observations about the different capabilities and behaviours of men and women working in collectives. Time to check out my notes from Patriarchy 101.

A lot of the night's discussion revolved around the co-operative potential of the free software and the hacking community, with contributions from Toni Prug (Hack the State, gComm(o)ns), Debian and Ubuntu veteran Matt Zimmerman, and Marcel Mars. I was struck by the parallels between the current wave of activism around software-based technologies, and the viral growth of print-based hacktivism in the 70s and 80s, when community and activist publishing networks sprang up in their hundreds, as it became possible for anyone to get their hands on a basic press and learn how to use it in an afternoon. People can now create a clunky and hard-to-use website as easily as they could produce a badly designed and printed newspaper in 1977.

The hacktivists have detourned intellectual property law in a partially-successful attempt to protect creative commons and free software. In doing so, they used the law in a way it wasn't really designed to be used. You could say the same of the UK co-operative movement, which has used strategies for incorporation (the Industrial and Provident society model in particular) to invert the legal privileges normally reserved for owners, shareholders, creditors and directors, and create frameworks for solidarity and mutual protection (limited liability)  for workers, consumers, tenants and other groups of exploited subjects. And there are clear parallels between the codes and rules drawn up by free software activists, to govern their own relationships and create a platform for a different kind of working culture, and the co-operative movement's codes of values and principles - both remarkably sucessful 'soft' technologies which are standing the test of time as a basis for self-organisation and self-management in the economy.

Tuesday, 15 March 2011

Prejudice masquerading as economic thinking

How is it that we are not allowed to sell our own bodies and minds into slavery, yet we can legally rent them out? Why does the law not recognise human associations which produce wealth, but only enfranchises those who own and control it?

The answer, according to David Erdal, is power - rooted in brutal social and legal relations established in the era of the enclosures and the formation of the urban working class. A powerful polemic about the alienation of work and its fruits, and the absurdity of the law in relation to work, are at the heart of his new book Beyond the Corporation.

Subtitled Humanity Working – motto of the Mondragon Corporation, a federation of worker co-operative businesses based in Spain – Erdal puts foward a well-tempered, point-by-point rebuttal of the standard arguments against employee control of firms, and celebrates the successes of employee ownerships including John Lewis Partnership and his old family firm, Tullis Russell Papermakers, in the UK; Science Applications International Corporation in California; and the worker co-operative conurbations of the Emilia Romagna region in Italy. Along the way, he analyses the destructiveness, inhumanity, inefficiency and lack of accountability at the heart of rentier capitalism, and makes the case for an alternative system of shared reward and authentic economic democracy.

This book is inspired, provocative, and disturbing. The inspiration comes from the author’s powerful and passionately justified belief that progress and happiness flow from the autonomy, solidarity and self-confidence produced by workers’ ownership of their work.

Beyond the Corporation proposes a narrow workerist base for the economic democracy Erdal advocates, and he believes that there can be such a thing as a fundamentally fairer capitalism, based on shared ownership. Wealth and power are not represented as things socially reproduced in cycles of production, circulation and consumption. From such a productivist point of view, the claims of non-workers, and the potential of consumer, distributive and community co-operation in the battle for economic justice, don't appear.

Erdal may simply be sticking to his topic, with a good editorial team at his back. He exhibits the biases of a recovering Leninist; before being disillusioned with totalitarianism, bringing Tullis Russell into employee ownership and being involved with the wider UK employee owned sector, Erdal was a narodnik communist organiser and Workers Revolutionary Party member. In the same way that a recovering anarchist could never bring himself to view the state as anything much more than a vehicle for capitalist imperialism, Erdal insists on the need for sound leadership, and calls forth a breed self-interested but altruistic, enlightened owners who will invest in the education of their understandablly cynical employees, changing them slowly into confident and capable worker-owner-delegators.

After the philanthropists have done their good thing, a cadre of good professional managers is also needed, to direct worker-owned enterprises and, crucially, to reinforce the ‘feeling’ of ownership among the workers through the disciplines of employee engagement. Thus, Erdal rejects Beatrice Webb’s view that worker owners couldn’t effectively delegate management authority within an enterprise, while seeming to assent to her opinions about the impossibility of autonomous workers managing their own activity. In this he would be at odds with worker co-operative thinker-practitioners like Bob Cannell, who argues against the view of businesses as ‘organisations’ employing ‘human resources’, and the pernicious influence of systems thinking on the management of enterprises – which, he says, are better understood as nothing more or less than sets of complex human interactions, (de)formed by power and capitalist economic relations. Cannell says that we have become blinded by the orthodoxy of managerial professionalism, which makes us unable to see the difference between the function of management and a specialist caste of managers, who (in the UK, certainly) are a tribe of mini emperors without clothes.

Erdal also ignores most of the UK worker co-operatives, which are among the most radical in Europe. They number several hundred, the largest being Cannell’s own Suma, with a turnover of around £26m and 140 worker-members (although in turnover terms it may soon be overtaken by the green technology co-op, Dulas). Given the hostile terrain on which UK worker co-operatives have always operated, with the possible exception of the decade from 1973 to 1983, it's hardly surprising that chronically undercapitalised grass roots co-ops struggle to grow - and remarkable that a significant number of them have nevertheless done so, through three or four business cycles during last 25 or 30 years, which is longer than the lifespan of the vast majority of small businesses. Remarkably, therefore, it seems that even the most ‘anti capitalist’ of our worker co-ops aren’t that bad at business after all (even if being crap at capitalism could be construed as a criticism, pace Beatrice Webb).

Beyond the Corporation prefers co-operative exemplars from almost anywhere but here, and so doesn't draw on a rich and radical indigenous current of self-management culture and theory. Although he could never be accused of preferring toffs to workers, Erdal’s UK case studies are mainly paternalistic, top-down, trust-owned businesses like Scott Bader and John Lewis.

There’s another article to be written about what this bias represents – a predilection for technocracy and large-scale enterprise, perhaps. Early in the book, Erdal asks:

“What if the notion of employee ownership was just a hippy dream, more appropriate for idealistic candlemakers than serious, large-scale, blue-collar industry?”

What he has against candlemakers and hippies isn’t clear, although it’s clearly anachronistic and irrelevant - but it is of a piece with a school of thought in the employee ownership milieu that’s dismissive of the UK’s industrial worker co-operatives (Italian and Spanish ones being, presumably, more potent and properly workerist, as in the Situationist slogan “I’d rather have sex with an Asturian miner!”)

Perhaps it’s a reaction to the ‘near enemy’, or an aversion to the UK’s consumer retail co-operatives, with whom most of our worker co-ops are currently allied (although strangely, the advocates of employee ownership have stronger ties with the consumer co-op financed Co-operative Party than our own worker co-ops). More importantly, it’s in the tragic traditions of the UK labour movement, going back to the fallout from defeat of the South Wales miners in 1910, the suppression and failure of worker co-operatives in the 19th century, and the hegemony of statism and sandwiches-at-No.10 trade unionism in the 20th. This has resulted in a long eclipse for communitarian and commonwealth currents in the British workers movement. In the present century, this political split is echoed in the gulf between employee or trust-owned firms and the worker co-operatives, which has fossilised into a sterile standoff  between the Employee Ownership Association and Co-operatives UK, their respective trade organisations. The failure to connect is debilitating for the prospects for worker emancipation in this country. But nobody’s really to blame. To paraphrase the Dutch communist Anton Pannekoek - Tony Pancake - the movement is not weak because it is divided; on the contrary, it’s divided because it is weak.

David Erdal is to be praised for the warmth, commitment, clarity and honesty of his writing. He gives us a sense of how overcoming the legacy of things we one believed can be a lifetime’s work – and how that effort may bring us to realise that in the most important respects, we were right all along. His arguments against the way things are, and in favour of how they could be, are informed by good research, years of experience and real intellectual rigour. Beyond the Corporation may not, in the end, take us far beyond the corporation, but it’s an important contribution to the debate about real world workers' autonomy. It should be picked up and shared by anyone interested in economic justice, radical democracy or the abolition of wage slavery.

Beyond the Corporation: Humanity Working by David Erdal
Published by the Bodley Head, London
UK £14.99, Canada $35.95

Sunday, 6 March 2011

Are You Honest?

The Advertising Standards Authority (ASA) has just begun cracking down on misleading websites.

Before March 1st, the ASA's remit only extended to paid-for webverts, pop-up ads and banners. The new rules cover not just companies' own websites, but also apply the criteria of honesty, decency, legality and truthfulness to businesses marketing themselves on Twitter and Facebook.

The ASA is financed by a levy on advertising spend, and a percentage of the income the Royal Mail receives from its Mailsort contracts. Its income in 2010 was over £7m, though it's not yet clear how this will be affected by Royal Mail privatisation. Enforcement of the new standards will be paid for through a levy on web advertising.

If you’re a web developer, designer or marketer you may want to delve deeper into the new advertising rules - here's a PDF where you can read more about the extension of the CAP code.

ASA_digital

The Wisdom of Old Printers

I worked with Jim Woodley at Calverts from 1983 until he retired in 1998. Jim was a litho planner-platemaker, a Londoner, and full of sayings. Here's one of my favourites:

"You can never do enough for a good boss. So when you find one shoot him - before he turns bad."

A good enough motto for a collective-type worker co-operative, if ever I heard one.